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Also see the list of Article Collections (to which essays on this list are now linked) and the Bibliography of Primary Sources. According to the author’s abstract, “This paper shows how Wyclif is able at the same time (i) to claim that whatever is is a proposition (‘pan-propositionalism’) and (ii) to develop a nontrivial theory of propositional truth and falsity. [Gray returns to this important Carthusian manuscript for a full discussion of the relationships among its images and lyrics, and its relevance to the “spiritual landscape of late medieval England” (116).] Green, Richard F. [Argues that the odd juxtaposition in Purvey’s Heresies and Errors (as recorded by Lavenham) of a discussion of the marriage of those linked in spiritual affinity (godparents) with the question of whether bastards can inherit the throne can be explained by the situation surrounding John of Gaunt’s marriage to Katherine Swynford and his ambitions for the Beauforts (his illegitimate children by Katherine) in 1396. In at least one notable case, the mid-fourteenth century reforms of Archbishop Thoresby, York identified the problems and found the solutions before Lollardy existed. advance an alternative orthodox position, one that identifies points of consensus, rather than disagreement, with lollard critiques. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism which divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. Special attention is given to collaboration with German-speaking editors, despite contemporary political tensions, and their contrasting editorial methods.] Spinka, Matthew. To a certain extent Wyclif ‘s explanations fit in with Aristotle’s understanding of language. Since these bibliographies are meant to be complete listings of texts and studies relevant to Wycliffism, please let us know of any new references which should be included. The study has two parts: 1) Starting from Wyclif’s fivefold propositional typology—including a propositio realis (real proposition) and a sic esse sicut propositio significat (a fact)—we will analyse (a) the three different kinds of real predication, (b) the distinction between primary and secondary signification of propositions (the latter being an instantiation of the former) and (c) the status of logical truth as opposed to (but depending on) metaphysical truth. “John Ball’s Letters: Literary History and Historical Literature.” Hanawalt 176-200. This shows that Lollard influence on Gaunt, or at least on his extended household, lasted longer than has sometimes been supposed.] Green, Samuel Gosnell. Heresy was but one response to what were perceived as problems of the late Medieval spirituality; the church of York offered its own response to those problems. The article includes extensive discussion of the cross and its relation to affective devotion.] Harper-Bill, Christopher. In point of fact, however, Wyclif’s understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study.” The purpose of Levy’s essay, in which he considers earlier work by Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, “is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif’s soteriology in its many facets. of such doctrine from Wyclif’s Latin works to the vernacular records of fifteenth-century heresy trials, we may perhaps gain a little insight into how certain men and women, from East Anglia and Kent, sought to theorize the business of love and marriage in light of a version of Christianity which combined a strong predestinarian impulse with a strict puritanism in sexual matters” (190). Aristotle recognises that we can talk about substances in many different ways; we can introduce them by using ‘substantial’ names, but also by using names derived from the substances’ accidental features. [Steiner concentrates on the so-called “Long” and “Short Charters of Christ.” She argues that “late medieval preachers and polemicists used documents, both fictive and real, to challenge orthodox notions of textual authority and to produce an oppositional rhetoric. Two key chapters in the book for the study of Wycliffite texts are chs. [Arnold argues that, “on the basis of some lexical and manuscript analysis, that there is a greater influence of continental inquisitorial discourse on English heresy prosecutions than has been previously recognized. [According to the abstract, “this dissertation recovers Shakespeare’s Sir John Falstaff as a politically radical character, linked to Jack Cade and the plebian revolutionaries of 2 Henry VI , and to 16th-century radical-egalitarian movements including Anabaptism and the “Family of Love.” Working from the earliest texts dealing with Sir John Oldcastle, Falstaff’s historical precedent, this work explores the radical potential of reform beginning with the work of the late-14th-century Oxford theologian John Wyclif. Introducing a radical new understanding of these plays as ‘sacramental theater,’ Beckwith shows how organizing the plays served as a political mechanism for regulating labor, and how theater and sacrament combined in them to do important theological work. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. Warham’s policy combined anti-heresy activity with attempts at clerical reform. Her appendices alone are included on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. “Vernacular Books in England in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” 91 (1921): 59-77. “The Significance of the Lollard Bible: The Ethel M. Wyclif’s deepest reasons for rejecting orthodox Eucharist theology really only begin to make sense against this broader background of theological debate.] Despres, Denise. The author concludes that, while manuscript variation undoubtedly raised suspicion, the “heresy” of the English Psalter should also be seen as the product of historical change, as an ambitious vernacular text collided with a church hierarchy that was increasingly aware of the need of-and difficulty in-controlling any authoritative religious text in English.] Gwynn, A. [“In this paper, the process of the merger [between religious and secular authority to defeat the social threat of Lollardy] will be examined through: an analysis of Lollard doctrine and the resultatnt activities that held inherent social implications; the allegations made by the movement’s enemies that created fear in the secular community that Lollardy was a threat to social regulation and harmony; and the resultant legislative changes which finally categorised Lollardy as subversion.”] Hague, Dyson. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one’s neighbor.] —. According to Levy’s abstract for this article, “John Wyclif envisioned an ideal church that could be created in his own day, based on the model of the earliest apostolic community depicted in the New Testament. “Acts of Vagrancy: The C Version ‘Autobiography’ and the Statute of 1388.” Justice and Kerby-Fulton 208-317. Minnis describes several responses by Woodforde to this. [Ng argues that “what is most significant in this history [of the Reformation] is the continuity from the late medieval to the early modern period of the subversiveness of translation, when possession of the vernacular scripture could condemn one as a heretic and vernacular writings other than scripture were perceived as dangerous, always potentially heretical. This has a number of implications for how one might reconsider the English trial evidence, some of which are briefly explored in the essay.”] Asaka, Yoshiko. She argues, for instance, that the theology of Corpus Christi in the resurrection plays can only be understood as a theatrical exploration of eucharistic absence and presence. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. [This is a study of Walsingham, not just a historican but also a classical scholar. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. Wood Lecture Delivered before the University of London on 13 March, 1951.” Pamphlet. in 1413 in order to articulate his criticism of the Christian community of his day and the proclaim his evangelical vision of the Church. in 1550 because he was a follower of heretic John Wyclif, whose teachings were similar to beliefs expounded in the poem. The church of the late fourteenth century would come to resemble the ecclesia primitiva, a poor communion of fellow workers marked by charity and humility. One of them is to say, with a reductive literalism, that “Tobit had a dog” is not conducive to salvation (48).] —. The subversiveness of translation arises not only out of its status as a heretical text or its use to mount challenges to clerical and secular political authority. Betteridge considers several lollard sermons and the 29.3 (June, 1951): 402-19. “‘Deep is the Heart of Man, and Inscrutable’: Signs of Heresy in Medieval Languedoc.” Barr and Hutchinson 267-80. His theological, legal and political vision of restoring original justice through the spiritual reality and sanctity of persona humana in every man, as well as in the community, by the law of love and the use and enjoyment of dominion in community, is conveyed through abundant quotes from his works.”] Borinski, Ludwig. Following up this suggestion, this article argues that Pecock’s concern with literary and theological method is part of an attempt to recover (and “translate” into a vernacular setting) the vitality of academic discussions from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period during which the role of argumentation in theology still required explicit consideration and some defence. “Religion and the English Nobility in the Later Fourteenth Century.” . Clerics were not opposed to liturgical representations in churches, but they strove ardently to suppress May games, ludi, festivals, and liturgical parodies. “‘The workman is worth his mede’: Poverty, Labor, and Charity in the Sermon of William Taylor.” . “Authority and the Compiler in Westminster Cathedral Treasury MS 4: Writing a Text in Someone Else’s Words.” . Yet, unlike Ockham, but similar to Marsilius, he did not concede to the papacy the plenitude of power. One significant difference, however, is the way in which reformers in the two periods used the commonplace saying that images are “laymen’s books.” The Lollards, even those who were the most outspoken critics of images, used Gregory the Great’s metaphor to support their positions. “‘First is writen a clause of the bigynnynge therof’: The Table of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” 24-25 (2005-06): 343-78. In addition to outlining this broader phenomenon, he analyzes polemical comments in the Bible thought to be owned by Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (London, British Library, MS Egerton 618) that challenge the sainthood of many canonized by the church.] —. At the same time, she argues that “the laity, despite Duffy’s ‘traditional’ epithet, was far from passive in its religious choices” (3). The study covers a wide range of topics, including religious practices (e.g., marriage) as well as pressing religious issues of the time (the saints, the Old Testament). “‘I Promise a Penny that I do not Promise’: The Realist/Nominalist Debate Over Intentional Propositions in Fourteenth Century British Logic and Its Contemporary Relevance.” 11.4 (Dec. [“The influence of the Lollard movement on the Scottish Reformation was pointed out by John Knox in the sixteenth century; and in the latter part of the nineteenth century the same point was stressed by the Historiographer Royal for Scotland, P. Yet in spite of such illustrious advocacy, with one or two minor exceptions, little attention has been paid to the Wycliffite tradition in fifteenth century Scotland. [Biller examines the heresies of Languedoc, via several question lists use to interrogate suspected Waldensians, in order to uncover the motivations of the questioners; the nature of the 26 (1995): 135-52. Such concerns culminated in Aquinas’s “rhetorical” sensibility, his engagements with “rational persuasion,” his concern with effective methods of disputation with heretics and infidels and his appreciation of the value of “rationes” in theological discourse.] —. Medieval drama, then, stemmed from a more vernacular tradition than previously acknowledged-one developed by England’s laity outside the boundaries of clerical rule. [This book is about the place of pedagogy and the role of intellectuals in medieval dissent. In order to gain a more complete understanding of Wyclif’s views one must study his place within the exegetical tradition of such important biblical passages as Matthew 16.18-19 and Galatians 2.11-14.” —. is that Wyclif consistently championed the role of the theologian, as opposed to the canon lawyer, in determining questions of papal aptitude. According to the abstract, “What separated them was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. In the 1530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. [Most research on Lollard writings has been targeted at the Wycliffite Bible, the sermons, to the detriment of shorter treatises. [According to Peiloka, “This articles discusses the Middle English tables of lections (tabulae lectionun, capitularis lists of periocopes) – liturgical referential tools found in almost one hundred later-fourteenth / early-fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible. “Tables of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” Poleg and Light 351-378. “Manuscript Paratexts in the Making” British Library MS Harley 6333 as a Liturgical Compilation.” Corbellini, Hoogvliet, and Ramakers 44-67. “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflections on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O. London: Society for the Promoting of Christian Knowledge, 1884. Her study emphasizes the development of Christocentric piety during the period, and how this “intersected with the devotional needs of a parish religion in which mystical ecstasy, and ideas of the individual as the bride of Christ, were less important than the pastorally inspired concerns of moral teaching [ . She uses Churchwardens’ accounts, chapel wall paintings, and contemporary texts as sources. Falstaff, Martin Marprelate, and the Staging of Puritanism.” . [This volume was published to coincide with the anniversary of the 1604 Hampton Court conference, which decided to create the King James translation. It has generally been taken for granted that the Lollards were unimportant and possessed little or no influence. [This is a general introduction to Wyclif and Lollardy. Rex controversially argues that Wyclif and the Lollards were far less important than historians and literary critics have often claimed.”] —. From the abstract: “This article re-examines the record and argues that it has been misread. These older studies are included here for those interested in the history of the study of Wycliffism, not for the study of Wycliffism itself. [According to the abstract, “The article considers the origin of the Hungarian-speaking Hussites in Moldavia and the factors that led to their growth, together with the nature of their beliefs. past, future, modal) and (b) the relation between contents of the divine mind as ‘arch-truth-makers’ and eternal as well as contingent truths.”] —. [This paper examines Wyclif’s critique of medieval Eucharistic theology in light of fourteenth-century debates about the possibility of and consequences of divine deception. “English Books In and Out of Court from Edward III to Henry VII.” . Cornelius Mayer, Willigis Eckermann, and Coelestin Patock. “In their attack on official discourse, on its tendency to conceal and confuse, these writers open up more generally the issue of language and authority. “Church, Society, and Politics in the Early Fifteenth Century as Viewed from the English Pulpit.” 72.4 (Fall, 2007): 59.71. Peter Partridge and MS Digby 98.” Barr and Hutchinson 41-65. What we should find is that Wyclif’s soteriology makes a good deal of room for human free will, albeit in cooperation with divine grace. [This essay analyzes De statu innocencie, a speculative treatise Wyclif wrote about the condition of humanity in Eden. John Buridan uses Aristotle’s principle of categorisation to show how language works, but for him the activity of categorising things is to be explained in terms of our mental activities only. Harrison Thomson on the Bibliography of Primary Sources under the Works of John Wyclif.] Steiner, Emily.
It would be a foolish student who referred to (for instance) Gairdner’s century-old study of “Lollardy and the Reformation” for accurate knowledge about the movement. La doctrine eucharistique de Jean Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 87-112. “The Hungarian-speaking Hussites of Moldavia and Two English Episodes in their History.” 4.1 (May 2006): 3-24. 2) The second part deals with two semantic and metaphysical implications of the ‘pan-propositionalism’: (a) the extended notion of being (ampliatio entis) called upon to explain the truth of so-called non-standard propositions (e.g. “From Sacred Mystery to Divine Deception: Robert Holkot, John Wyclif and the Transformation of Fourteenth-Century Eucharistic Discourse.” 29.2 (2005): 129-44. [“Credulity,” or “the gullibility of an unletters populace” about the “controlling rhetoric of the church,” is a recurrent them in Marsilio of Padua, William of Ockham, and John Wyclif. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. “Wyclif’s Eden: Sex, Death, and Dominion.” Bose and Hornbeck 59-78. This idea in itself is not opposed to a conceptualist account of language.
[Discusses the development of medieval commentary about women’s preaching, some of which are contradictory, and how this influences depictions in saint’s lives and by Wycliffites.] Block, Edward A. “The Issue of Theological Style in Late Medieval Disputations.” 5 (2002): 1-21. Of special interest here is a chapter on the , he provocatively follows a line of reasoning instanced in multiple Wycliffite tracts on translation. Drawing on pedagogical theorists such as Freire and Giroux as well as a wealth of later medieval texts, Copeland shows how teachers radically transformed inherited ideas about classrooms and pedagogy as they brought their teaching to adult learners. “John Wyclif on Papal Election, Correction, and Deposition.” 69 (2007): 141-85. Because Holy Scripture formed, for Wyclif, the sole foundation of Christian society, it would fall to the magister sacrae paginae to render authoritative decisions on ecclesiastical governance” (141-42). Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. “A Manuscript of the First Wycliffite Translation of the Bible.” . The English reformers, however, did more than merely reject Gregory as an authority. Peikola examines one form of tract, the catalogue, listing 22 different catalogues, discussing their structure, lexical markings, types, audiences, and their similarities to scholastic, judicial, and legislative textual practices. The major part of the article surveys variation in the form and content of the tables, serving the needs of genre description and paving the way for further textual scholarship (a preliminary list of the Wycliffite tables is presented in Appendix A). [One of several derivative biographies published on the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death. The volume includes a helpful index of “Churchwardens’ accounts before 1570.”] Peterson, Kate Oelzner. “Sowing Difficulty: The Parson’s Tale, Vernacular Commentary, and The Nature of Chaucerian Dissent.” 25 (2004): 299-330. Price and Ryrie attend to both stylistic and political arguments that arose over Biblical translation between the late fourteenth and early seventeenth centuries.] Pyper, Rachel. [Concludes that Chaucer uses the Wycliffite translation, but see also Holton, “Which Bible did Chaucer Use? When all the information on the movement which we possess, however, is brought together, one cannot but feel that they had a greater influence on their own time than has heretofore been allowed: Not only did the early reformers consider them very important, but today also, in spite of predilections for economic interpretations of history, they must be regarded as one of the important sources of the Scottish Reformation.”] Renna, Thomas. It contains chapters on “Wyclif and his Theology,” the “Early diffusion of Lollardy,” “Survival and Revival,” and “From Lollardy to Protestantism.” In the process, “whilst endorsing the traditional view that Lollardy was indeed the lay face of Wycliffism, . Far from being a Lollard minister, it suggests, Ramsbury was nothing but a confidence trickster.
[This article emphasizes the awareness among some “humanists” and “scholastics” of the intrinsically persuasive qualities of much theological discourse (disputation in particular). Because many of the terms Chaucer uses in the Prologue are also central to the General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Chaucer appears to respond to this particular text, which was probably read within his social circle, rich in opportunities to acquire such vernacular material. The pedagogical imperatives of Lollard dissent were also embodied in the work of certain public figures, intellectuals whose dissident careers transformed the social category of the medieval intellectual.] —. Levy here discusses Wyclif’s “view of the mechanics of papal election, correction, and deposition,” rather than topics such as civil dominion and kingship (141). In the process of the paper, Levy discusses the backgrounds behind these issues to place Wyclif’s views in context. “Holy Scripture and the Quest for Authority among Three Late Medieval Masters.” 61.1 (Jan. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. [Levy’s book describes ways in which Scripture was argued to be the foundation for ecclesiastical authority between about 1370 to 1430. Instead of dismissing the old justification of images as a false sophism, as the continental reformers had done in the 1520s, they appropriated the laymen’s-book metaphor for their own polemic, turning it against the iconophiles. The catalogue is one apparent instance of the vernacularization of Latinate textual practice by Lollard writers.] —. The concluding discussion addresses the use of the tables from the point of view of readers of the Wycliffite Bible. For a contemporary review, see “Wiclif and his Works,” included below. “The Sources of the Parson’s Tale.” Radcliffe College Monographs 12. [This key article modified Skeat’s theory that the Tale was derived from Friar Loren’s to show that it was mostly derived from penitential treatises by Raymund of Pennaforte and Peraldus. [The Parson’s Tale is an odd combination of a subjective context framing incontrovertibly authoritative content. “Wycliffite Bibles as Orthodoxy.” Corbellini 71-91. ”, which argues against this theory.] Rankin, William Joseph. [From the abstract: “Although scholars have recently addressed the role of Wycliffism in the development of cultural and vernacular practice and in the sociopolitical climate of the later Middle Ages, few have attempted to view Wycliffite activity from the vantage of a cohesive ideological context. “Wyclif’s Attacks on the Monks.” Hudson and Wilks 267-80. The form of liturgy he admitted to celebrating was not a product of theological editing but the performance of the visible and audible parts of the mass, with those parts customarily unseen and unheard simply omitted for economy of effort.”] Rice, Nicole. [Rice examines a series of texts for religious guidance which were adapted for life outside of the cloister.
This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.
Under any one author’s name, works are listed in chronological order of publication. Covering a wide range of texts–scholastic and extramural, in Latin and in English, written over half a century from Wyclif to Netter–Ghosh concludes that by the first half of the 15th century Lollardy had partly won the day. “Reginald Bishop Pecock and the Idea of ‘Lollardy.'” Barr and Hutchinson 251-65. Ghosh examines how Lollardy maintained some intellectual coherence, some aspects of Pecock’s “reimagined scholastic thought” in his debates with Lollardy, and moves at the end towards characterizing mid-fifteenth-century Lollardy and how it might “relate to late medieval politics of biblical interpretation” (253).} —. Ghosh examines “Wyclif’s meta-discursive engagement with scholastic episteme, especially the status of the arts in education. Second, Wyclif introduces the discourse of ‘happiness’ in relation to . Logic is crucial to understanding the impact of this critique on vernacular Lollardy since it lies at the core of his definition of “scriptural logic.” “This was one aspect of his thought,” Ghosh argues, “taken up most enthusiastically by his followers” (258); he examines how in the tract . [Gillespie argues that the recent focus on Arundel’s Constitutions has obscured the influence of the Council of Konstanz on the fifteenth-century English church. [From the abstract: “[W]as there a uniquely and identifiable northern culture that responded differently than the south to heresy and to religious concerns? “English Views on the Reforms to be Undertaken in the General Councils (1400-1418) with special reference to the proposals made by Richard Ullerston.” D. It was not intended to function as a blueprint for the entire clergy.] —. “The Lollard Trail: Some Clues to the Spread of Pre-Protestant Religious Dissent in Scotland, and its Legacy.” 33 (2003): 1-34. “A rhetorical study of selected English sermons of John Wycliff.” Diss., Northwestern University, 1969. “Minor Devotional Writings.” Edwards and Pearsall 147-175. The binding encompasses three Middle English texts: a Wycliffite New Testament, a lectionary for Dominicals and Ferials, and a text on planting and grafting.”] Shettle, G. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley’s, as Wyclif himself observes. “Friar Richard ‘Of Both Sexes.'” Barr and Hutchinson 13-31. “Lollardy and the Legal Document.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 155-174. The study covers a wide variety of medieval texts including sermons and trial records, 93.3 (July, 2009): 471-479. This is supported as the writer disregards the invocation of the saints and the worship of the Virgin Mary in his disputation. “The following chapters,” Summers says in her introduction, “examine how each author’s predicament of persecution and imprisonment precipitates and even prescribes the politial nature of his literary self-portrayal” (3). Furthermore, the texts are designed to oppose and counter the printed word and propoganda of the Church with Lollardy’s own authoritative texts” (112). Arguing for a later date, nearer to the 1408 than 1382, than its editors Bazire and Colledge considered, Sutherland reads the text attending to the fact that the text was written “at a time of acute anxiety regarding the translation of the Bible and the role of the vernacular in theological discourse” (354). The volume was endowed to the chapel but it isn’t known whether it actually resided there. as an overtly heretical or threatening text” (107).] —.